The Rise of New Political Order

The latest parliamentary election has done more than change a government. It has upended the country’s political order. Weeks after a sweeping victory in the March 5 elections, Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) leader Balendra Shah was sworn in as prime minister on March 27. At 35, Shah now leads a government with a near two-thirds majority in the House of Representatives. His rise, from a mayor of Kathmandu elected as an independent candidate in 2022 to the country’s executive head within just four years, shows the speed of the political transformation that the country has seen. But this moment is bigger than one leader. Voters have reshaped the system itself.  

The new House of Representatives is almost entirely fresh. More than 90% of its members are first-time lawmakers. Among the 165 elected under the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system, 140 are new, most of them from the RSP. Only a small group of veteran politicians has survived. Just about 10 lawmakers have served multiple terms. Even among 25 returning MPs, many had just one prior term. Much of parliament’s institutional memory has been wiped out. Kathmandu Valley reflects the change. Of its 15 constituencies, 12 have elected new MPs. Only a handful of familiar figures have returned.  

The same pattern is visible in the cabinet. Many ministers, handling finance, home affairs, foreign affairs and education, are first-time office holders. This marks one of the most sweeping generational turnovers in Nepal’s modern political history.  

From revolt to mandate  

The RSP’s rise is unprecedented. A minor force in the previous House, it is now a dominant party in parliament. The party won 125 out of 165 FPTP seats and secured 57 more under the proportional representation (PR) system. This is not a routine anti-incumbency wave. It is a full reset. The party’s gains have come at the expense of almost every major traditional force. The Nepali Congress (NC), a dominant force in Nepali politics, has been reduced to a fraction of its previous strength. CPN-UML suffered an even steep decline. The Nepali Communist Party (NCP), which merged with more than 20 left parties, also shrunk significantly. The Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) and Madhesh-based parties have also been pushed to the margins.  

Several of the country’s most recognizable political faces have been defeated. Former prime ministers, senior party leaders, and influential figures across the spectrum lost their seats. The message is clear: legacy no longer guarantees relevance. In many constituencies, voters did not just reject candidates. They dismantled entire political hierarchies. Long-held strongholds collapsed and so-called safe seats disappeared. This election was not about replacing one elite with another. It was about rejecting the system that sustained them.  

A generational shift  

Political analyst Geja Sharma Wagle sees this as a structural transition. “A significant number of new and younger faces have entered the political arena, signaling a departure from the dominance of traditional leadership,” he said.  

The numbers support that view. The average age of lawmakers elected under the FPTP system has dropped sharply. There are now more than 60 lawmakers under 40, up from just 10 in the previous House. Several MPs are under 30. This is not just a statistical change. It reflects a shift in voter preference. Many voters were looking for candidates who seemed less tied to old patronage networks and more aligned with ideas of accountability, efficiency, and change.  

The transition may seem abrupt but public frustration had been building for years. Weak governance, corruption concerns, and limited economic opportunity created deep dissatisfaction among people. The Gen Z-led protest of last September amplified that anger and turned it into political momentum. “Young voters and the broader public had grown increasingly frustrated with traditional political parties, largely due to concerns over poor delivery and unmet promises,” Wagle said. “The wave of Gen Z-led protest reflected dissatisfaction with the status quo and signaled a clear demand for change.” The election gave that demand institutional form.  

The new Parliament carries a powerful mandate, but also a clear risk. For all the energy behind the electoral outcome, the incoming House will begin work with limited parliamentary experience. Legislative drafting, thematic committee work, budget oversight, and constitutional practice are not learned overnight. These require skill and institutional memory, and cannot be improvised. The old parties possessed that experience but failed to translate it into effective governance. Voters have delivered a clear verdict. They have chosen renewal over familiarity. “While questions remain about their ability to deliver and adapt toparliamentary practices, these leaders have received a clear mandate from the people,” Wagle said. “If the younger generation is given the opportunity, they are capable of stepping forward and shaping the country’s political direction.”  

The Shah government  

Balendra Shah’s rise sits at the center of this transition. A rapper and structural engineer by training, Shah first gained prominence in 2022 after winning the mayoral race in Kathmandu as an independent candidate.  

His move into national politics came quickly. When new elections were announced after last September’s protest, he stepped down as Kathmandu mayor and joined the RSP. Within months, he became its central political figure and chief campaigner in the election. Now, he is leading the country. Shah’s cabinet reflects the same generational shift seen in Parliament. Many ministers are first-time office holders, drawn from diverse professional and social backgrounds. The government’s priorities are clear: improve governance, control corruption, strengthen public service delivery, accelerate economic growth, and create jobs.  

But intent alone will not be enough because public expectations are unusually high.  

“The new government does not have the luxury of offering excuses for inaction,” Wagle said. “The public mandate is clear, and expectations are higher than ever.” The Gen Z movement, he added, was explicit in its demands. “It clearly called for accountability, improved governance, and an end to corruption. The responsibility now is to ensure that these demands are not only acknowledged but actively addressed,” Wagle added.  

According to Wagle, failure to deliver could carry serious consequences. “Public expectations are high, and the responsibility to meet them rests squarely on the shoulders of the newly elected representatives,” he warned. “Failure to deliver could once again push society toward frustration and disillusionment.”  

Opposition and stability  

Although the RSP enjoys a clear dominance in the House of Representatives, it has no representation in provincial parliament and governments. It also has no representation in the upper house and has no presence at the local level. Because of this, even strong decisions made at the center may struggle to produce results at subnational level. Important laws required to make federalism fully functional are yet to be made. Administrative practices are still centralized and bureaucratic inertia continues to shape decision-making. While Shah has signaled support for stronger provinces, turning that into reality will require both legislation and a shift in governance culture.  

Another challenge lies in political stability. The country’s recent history offers little reassurance as no government has completed a full term since the political change of 1990s. Internal dynamics may prove just as important as external opposition. Within the RSP, internal relationships will be closely watches—particularly between party President Rabi Lamichhane and Prime Minister and Senior Leader Balendra Shah. Any perception of competing power centers could weaken governance and erode public confidence. At the same time, the opposition, though reduced in numbers, may still evolve into a more assertive force.  

“One risk is that the opposition appears relatively weak in terms of numbers,” Wagle said. “But it is often precisely when a government is strong that a more assertive and effective opposition emerges.”  

Wagle added that effectiveness will depend on strategy, not just numbers. “Even if the opposition is weak in numbers, they can still hold the government accountable by putting forward critical issues in a compelling manner.”  

The March 5 elections have swept aside much of the old guard, elevated a new force, and brought a younger generation into power across Parliament and government. But it has not yet defined what comes next.  

Nepal now has one of the youngest parliaments in its history. What it does not yet know is whether it has a governing class capable of matching the expectations that produced it. “The coming years will test whether this historic shift can bring meaningful and lasting change,” Wagle said. The reset is complete. The outcome is still uncertain.

This report was originally published in April 2026 issue of New Business Age magazine.